Menon: India-China Informal Summit a Good First Step, Need Actions Next
On the anniversary of the end of Sino-Indian War of , here are some India was so concerned about its relations with China that it did not even of India, Jawaharlal Nehru promoted the slogan "Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai". China–India relations, also called Sino-Indian relations or Indo-Chinese relations , refers to the .. It is the popular perception that the catch phrase of India's diplomacy with China in the s was Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai, which means, in Hindi. New Delhi: Post the Wuhan summit, the real hard work has only just begun in shaping a structured framework for relations between India and.
The PRC's leaders agreed to discuss the boundary issue, India's priority, as the first step to a broadening of relations. The two countries hosted each other's news agencies, and Mount Kailash and Mansarowar Lake in Tibet, the mythological home of the Hindu pantheonwere opened to annual pilgrimages. India also undertook infrastructural development in disputed areas.
The Rise and Fall of Hindi Chini Bhai Bhai – Foreign Policy
In the winter ofthe Chinese deployed their troops to the Sumdorong Chu before the Indian team could arrive and built a Helipad at Wandung. Sundarjiairlifted a brigade to the region. However, Indian foreign minister N. In the PRC insisted on mutual concessions without defining the exact terms of its "package proposal" or where the actual line of control lay.
In andthe negotiations achieved nothing, given the charges exchanged between the two countries of military encroachment in the Sumdorung Chu Valley.INDIA VS CHINA IN HINDI -- INDIA FACTS IN HINDI -- CHINA FACTS IN HINDI
China's construction of a military post and helicopter pad in the area in and India's grant of statehood to Arunachal Pradesh formerly the North-East Frontier Agency in February caused both sides to deploy troops to the area. The PRC relayed warnings that it would "teach India a lesson" if it did not cease "nibbling" at Chinese territory. By the summer ofhowever, both sides had backed away from conflict and denied military clashes had taken place.
A warming trend in relations was facilitated by Rajiv Gandhi 's visit to China in December India and the People's Republic of China agreed to achieve a "fair and reasonable settlement while seeking a mutually acceptable solution" to the border dispute. Rajiv Gandhi signed bilateral agreements on science and technology co-operation, establish direct air links, and on cultural exchanges. The two sides also agreed to hold annual diplomatic consultations between foreign ministers, set up a joint committee on economic and scientific co-operation, and a joint working group on the boundary issue.
The latter group was to be led by the Indian foreign secretary and the Chinese vice minister of foreign affairs. Progress was also made in reducing tensions on the border via mutual troop reductions, regular meetings of local military commanders, and advance notification about military exercises. Consulates reopened in Bombay Mumbai and Shanghai in December InThe sixth-round of the joint working group talks was held in New Delhi but resulted in only minor developments.
Prime Minister Narasimha Rao and Premier Li Peng signed a border agreement dealing with cross-border trade, cooperation on environmental issues e.
PollutionAnimal extinctionGlobal Warmingetc. A senior-level Chinese military delegation made a goodwill visit to India in December aimed at "fostering confidence-building measures between the defence forces of the two countries.
In JanuaryBeijing announced that it not only favored a negotiated solution on Kashmir, but also opposed any form of independence for the region.
Talks were held in New Delhi in February aimed at confirming established "confidence-building measures", discussing clarification of the "line of actual control", reduction of armed forces along the line, and prior information about forthcoming military exercises.
China's hope for settlement of the boundary issue was reiterated. Talks were held in Beijing in July and in New Delhi in August to improve border security, combat cross-border crimes and on additional troop withdrawals from the border.
China–India relations - Wikipedia
These talks further reduced tensions. The Centre serves as the representative office of the Republic of China Taiwan and is the counterpart of the India-Taipei Association located in Taiwan.
Both institutions share the goal of improving India-ROC relations, which have been strained since New Delhi's recognition of Beijing in Sino-Indian relations hit a low point in following India's nuclear tests. InChina was one of the strongest international critics of India's nuclear tests and entry into the nuclear club. During the Kargil War China voiced support for Pakistan, but also counseled Pakistan to withdraw its forces.
Nathu La was re-opened in following numerous bilateral trade agreements. The opening of the pass is expected to bolster the economy of the region and play a key role in the growing Sino-Indian trade. One, for instance, is that it can return to a much more neutral position between India and Pakistan that it used to have.
Chinese President Jiang Zemin stood up in the Pakistani national assembly in December and told them to do with India what we do — discuss your differences, but cooperate where you can. Secondly, trade imbalance is something they can easily deal with.
If we have to look for things to do, in maritime security for instance — they can provide assurances to us about freedom of navigation in the South China Sea. That has nothing to do with ownership or legal status.
Why would the Chinese need to give assurances to us? Because Chinese actions have made people doubtful of them. Because they are making claims which are not very clear, on whether they extend only to the islands and the seas around them, or the nine dash line. Now, there is an unbroken line on the maps.
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- China–India relations
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So no one is clear on what it means. If they say that as far as peaceful maritime commerce and freedom of navigation are concernedthere is no hindrance, it matters to us and the world. So there are things that can be done. Our basic problem is that we rub up against each other in the periphery, which we both share. That is something which has to be talked through. Because none of us have an interest in instability in our periphery.
Neither of us want to see the rise of extremism or terrorism in our region. Both of us need a stable periphery, if we need to concentrate on our domestic economic development. It makes sense to have a proper conversation on these issues. The informal summit, we were told, did not go into specific issues. Whether it translates into action and how much, all that we will see now. On terrorism, Indian government officials had, of course, touted that China has been party to naming and listing of terror groups in multilateral joint statements like Heart of Asia and BRICS.
Each one will have their own list. Obviously what bothers them is what happens in Xinjiang — what threatens them directly. What worries us obviously is the groups that target us. Ultimately, they all come from the same ideological source.
Did you speak with China on terrorism when you were in the government? We have been working and talking with China on this for a long time, since the Narasimha Rao government. Do you think China trusts Pakistan on terrorism? They choose to project the image that they trust. But on occasion, they have also had PLA people say in public, about four years ago, that Pakistan actually abets them Uighur militants in Xinjiang. People are comfortable with language that they have used before. They know what it means.
It is a signal, but it is not the new strategic framework for the relationship that you might have gotten from a carefully organised summit. You must have seen the language that was used on strengthening military to military communication. For this summit, I am not going to get into parsing of the language.
But right from the beginning, they told you, we are not producing a joint statement. We are not trying for the words here. I would look at what is significant first and what does it means for the context.
It means that we had a difficult relationship. They are both saying that we are not happy with the difficult relationship and we want to improve.
Whether they can do it, how they do it — frankly, it is too early to say. Also, both sides emphasised in their press releases that they have strategic autonomy in their foreign policy. We have said that for a long time.
India-China War of 1962: How it started and what happened later
But, it is good to hear us speaking about strategic autonomy again. We used to use it earlier, but in this government, I am not so sure… Why has this phrase made a comeback this time? Because India is unique. And India has to speak for herself, stand on her own two feet. You can work together with different people on different issues.
You will find partners, but it will be multiple partners where your interests coincide. But ultimately you have to be autonomous and take responsibility for your own future. We were told that there was a free-wheeling discussion between the leaders at the informal summit. But I think that the idea here was without the pressure of having to produce a joint statement, without having to go through reading prepared statements, without going through the formalities of a visit, they can concentrate on the quality of the conversation.
Otherwise there is no question that the programme was prepared. Look at the photographs, they are pretty well planned and posed. The delegation level talks seemed to have the usual accessories. There was the table, flags… Well, some people are comfortable with the formality. And if you look at the record of informal summits, it is not very encouraging.
The only one that we did without any agenda was Agra summit with Pakistan in Judging from the results, this may have been called an informal summit, but there was certainly prior preparation. Chinese media is useful because it represents what they want you to know or think.
Can I ask you to speculate on the motives for the timing of the two leaders, to have met now? As I said, for me, it is the uncertainty in the international situation. The fact that nobody knows where it will go and that we have more important things to do.
They have lot of things on their plate. But, more importantly, they have huge domestic issues. It is mainly an internal speech, not about the outside world. It is about the whole restructuring of the Chinese economy, how to avoid the middle income trap… In fact, discussing their domestic priorities was very much top of the agenda during this summit, we were told.
We have also huge domestic priorities.
We have elections next year. So both governments have lot of things to do. It was not part of the public statements, but apparently one of the concrete outcomes of the informal summit was the possibility of a joint economic project in Afghanistan. This is the point. If we are rubbing up against each other in the periphery, we need to see where our interests coincide, where we can work together.
This is not a straight zero sum kind of calculation. Like I said, we both have a common interest in a stable, peaceful periphery, free of extremism. That is something we should build on. Doing such a project in Afghanistan would be one such example. US troops walk outside their base in Uruzgan province, Afghanistan, July 7, We had discussed it earlier and they had been positive about it. What happened to those discussions? It was in And with drawdown, there was a sense of uncertainty over Afghanistan.
There was a huge level of insecurity. We discussed it with the Chinese, the Russians. We were all talking to each other on what could be done, what is happening. So is that the reason that the discussions with China on a joint project petered out, as the situation in Afghanistan was not very reliable?